Article by: Austin Brako-Powers (University of Ghana) +233 242 62 81 64
One of the oldest institutions in the entire African continent that has been the embodiment of unity, solidarity, hope, fortitude, and tradition is the ageing Chieftaincy institution. Prior to the partition of Africa into “cubicle” states in the aftermath of the Berlin Conference in 1884, our society was ruled solely by chiefdoms interspersed.
The term “institution” according to the western conception, has been defined as the rules, roles and structures developed by people to organize their joint activities (see Kendie and Guri, 2005 for a review). Olson (1965) refers to institutions as the collectively agreed upon social arrangements that govern the interactions among members of a given group of people. Berger and Neuhaus (1984:251) refer to these as 'mediating institutions' – “those institutions standing between the individual in his private life and the large institutions of public life”.
For hundreds of years the Chiefs were the bearers of political, military and social powers. Though, it took its time until their important role was newly determined and finally codified in the Constitution of the 4th Republic in 1992. In my opinion the Chieftaincy system constitutes an essential component of governance in Ghana today. As there is empirical evidence that in Ghana at least 90% of Ghanaians (both rural and urban) believe in and depend on the traditional authority system for organizing their lives, it becomes clear that the Chiefs still have strong influence.
The Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary (seventh edition) defines development as “the gradual growth of something so that it becomes more advanced, stronger, etc.
In another vain underdevelopment is defined by the same dictionary as, “(of a country, society, etc) having few industries and a low standard of living”.
Personally, I see development as a two tier affairs that involved the tangible and the intangible. Development is said to be tangible when its impact can be seen, touch and feel to exist like road network, bridge, buildings, farms, schools, good standard of living and still counting. Again, an intangible development is said to exist but that is difficult to describe, understand or measure or that does not exist as a physical thing but is valuable like sharpening goodwill, innovation, intelligence, people's moral and confidence.
In respect of development, chieftaincies first and foremost become focal institutions for uniting community members – families - and promoting a sense of belonging among people in rural communities. In order to sustain this, the common cultural attributes of chiefs are preserved as part of their ancestral heritage – and this a major obligation of traditional leaders. Aside the internal dynamics of chiefs, chieftaincies are open institutions and relate to other members on a social and cultural basis.
Second, chiefs and chieftaincy institutions are rallying points for infrastructural development in the community. Through the mobilization of the village folks for communal labor, developments that cut across clearing of weedy areas of the community, building of schools, roads, and hospitals etc, are achieved. These projects help to position the community into serving the needs of its members well.
Third, through the supervisory role play by our chiefs on community courts, social vices like stealing, bush fire, are abhorred with the greatest contempt they deserved. The significance of distributive justice in our societies cannot be downplayed in a country like ours where justice has been unevenly applied to offenders of the law. So having traditional leaders aiding out in the legal field gives one a respite with the hope of that his/her back is being watched.
Aside the complementary roles play by our chiefs and the chieftaincy institution their actions and inactions have led to the underdevelopment of Ghana in one way or the other.
Paramount includes their incessant conflict they wage against each other which undermines development of the central government. A recent case is the Dagbon community which has experience deep pain, humiliation, and sarcasm in the past few years following the gruesome, maniacal, savage acts that took place in Yendi on Wednesday, 27 March, 2002 and resulted in the infamous decapitation of the Ya Naa (Naa), Yakubu Andani II. The aftermath of decapitation of the Ya Naa (the overlord of Dagbon) has resulted in the death of hundreds of thousands people. This is a great strain on development.
Again, in describing the fatal role of our chiefs and the chieftaincy institution in the country, it is apt to invoke the role played by “the chiefly faction of the NLM…in 1951”. The National Liberation Movement (NLM) which is funded by chiefs who are aggrieved with the Convention Peoples' Party government of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah opposed the developmental agenda of the government. Their opposition to independence is usually cited as one of the detrimental roles played by our chiefs in the country.
Worthy of mention is the frequent clashes between the chiefs most especially the chiefs of both Ashanti and Akyem Abuakwa and the President of the Republic of Ghana, Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah. The official genuflection of the powerful chiefs in the Ashanti Region is reported to have taken place in October 1957, seven months after the declaration of independence in Ghana. This was Krobo Edusei's (the Minister of Interior) report of the Okyenhene of the Akyem Abuakwa State. “The subsequent public speech given by the Okyenhene was described as 'amusing, cowardly and ridiculous' by the Akyem Abuakwa CPP executive”. This infighting between the chieftaincy institution and the central government of Ghana unnecessarily disrupted development at the expense of the teeming poor in our rural areas.
However, the Volta Region was ultimately able to profit considerably from this type of bribery. Chiefly resistance in this Region was not as strong as in the Akan‐speaking areas, and especially in the urban centres their power was quite limited. Consequently, Nkrumah used public funds to a significant degree to tranquillise the secessionist aspirations of the Voltarians. The most impressive of these efforts is without doubt the Akosombo Dam, the biggest and most expensive development project ever realized in Ghana. Since these development efforts mainly focused on urban areas, the chiefs were mostly spectators in this process (Nugent 1996a: 212). This act of bribe taking worked to the disadvantage of our people.
But for the sour relationship that existed between the chiefs and the developmental agents in the country like the government of Ghana our country would have every reasons to boast of some developmental facelifts in infrastructures.
In summary, I think the chieftaincy institution must be strategically position in order for the institution to bask in the profit of globalization and modernization wind sweeping the world. Significant is the raging irreconcilable issue in Dagbon. The sooner two factions are brought together the better for Ghana.
Augrako4gh@gmail.com
One of the oldest institutions in the entire African continent that has been the embodiment of unity, solidarity, hope, fortitude, and tradition is the ageing Chieftaincy institution. Prior to the partition of Africa into “cubicle” states in the aftermath of the Berlin Conference in 1884, our society was ruled solely by chiefdoms interspersed.
The term “institution” according to the western conception, has been defined as the rules, roles and structures developed by people to organize their joint activities (see Kendie and Guri, 2005 for a review). Olson (1965) refers to institutions as the collectively agreed upon social arrangements that govern the interactions among members of a given group of people. Berger and Neuhaus (1984:251) refer to these as 'mediating institutions' – “those institutions standing between the individual in his private life and the large institutions of public life”.
For hundreds of years the Chiefs were the bearers of political, military and social powers. Though, it took its time until their important role was newly determined and finally codified in the Constitution of the 4th Republic in 1992. In my opinion the Chieftaincy system constitutes an essential component of governance in Ghana today. As there is empirical evidence that in Ghana at least 90% of Ghanaians (both rural and urban) believe in and depend on the traditional authority system for organizing their lives, it becomes clear that the Chiefs still have strong influence.
The Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary (seventh edition) defines development as “the gradual growth of something so that it becomes more advanced, stronger, etc.
In another vain underdevelopment is defined by the same dictionary as, “(of a country, society, etc) having few industries and a low standard of living”.
Personally, I see development as a two tier affairs that involved the tangible and the intangible. Development is said to be tangible when its impact can be seen, touch and feel to exist like road network, bridge, buildings, farms, schools, good standard of living and still counting. Again, an intangible development is said to exist but that is difficult to describe, understand or measure or that does not exist as a physical thing but is valuable like sharpening goodwill, innovation, intelligence, people's moral and confidence.
In respect of development, chieftaincies first and foremost become focal institutions for uniting community members – families - and promoting a sense of belonging among people in rural communities. In order to sustain this, the common cultural attributes of chiefs are preserved as part of their ancestral heritage – and this a major obligation of traditional leaders. Aside the internal dynamics of chiefs, chieftaincies are open institutions and relate to other members on a social and cultural basis.
Second, chiefs and chieftaincy institutions are rallying points for infrastructural development in the community. Through the mobilization of the village folks for communal labor, developments that cut across clearing of weedy areas of the community, building of schools, roads, and hospitals etc, are achieved. These projects help to position the community into serving the needs of its members well.
Third, through the supervisory role play by our chiefs on community courts, social vices like stealing, bush fire, are abhorred with the greatest contempt they deserved. The significance of distributive justice in our societies cannot be downplayed in a country like ours where justice has been unevenly applied to offenders of the law. So having traditional leaders aiding out in the legal field gives one a respite with the hope of that his/her back is being watched.
Aside the complementary roles play by our chiefs and the chieftaincy institution their actions and inactions have led to the underdevelopment of Ghana in one way or the other.
Paramount includes their incessant conflict they wage against each other which undermines development of the central government. A recent case is the Dagbon community which has experience deep pain, humiliation, and sarcasm in the past few years following the gruesome, maniacal, savage acts that took place in Yendi on Wednesday, 27 March, 2002 and resulted in the infamous decapitation of the Ya Naa (Naa), Yakubu Andani II. The aftermath of decapitation of the Ya Naa (the overlord of Dagbon) has resulted in the death of hundreds of thousands people. This is a great strain on development.
Again, in describing the fatal role of our chiefs and the chieftaincy institution in the country, it is apt to invoke the role played by “the chiefly faction of the NLM…in 1951”. The National Liberation Movement (NLM) which is funded by chiefs who are aggrieved with the Convention Peoples' Party government of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah opposed the developmental agenda of the government. Their opposition to independence is usually cited as one of the detrimental roles played by our chiefs in the country.
Worthy of mention is the frequent clashes between the chiefs most especially the chiefs of both Ashanti and Akyem Abuakwa and the President of the Republic of Ghana, Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah. The official genuflection of the powerful chiefs in the Ashanti Region is reported to have taken place in October 1957, seven months after the declaration of independence in Ghana. This was Krobo Edusei's (the Minister of Interior) report of the Okyenhene of the Akyem Abuakwa State. “The subsequent public speech given by the Okyenhene was described as 'amusing, cowardly and ridiculous' by the Akyem Abuakwa CPP executive”. This infighting between the chieftaincy institution and the central government of Ghana unnecessarily disrupted development at the expense of the teeming poor in our rural areas.
However, the Volta Region was ultimately able to profit considerably from this type of bribery. Chiefly resistance in this Region was not as strong as in the Akan‐speaking areas, and especially in the urban centres their power was quite limited. Consequently, Nkrumah used public funds to a significant degree to tranquillise the secessionist aspirations of the Voltarians. The most impressive of these efforts is without doubt the Akosombo Dam, the biggest and most expensive development project ever realized in Ghana. Since these development efforts mainly focused on urban areas, the chiefs were mostly spectators in this process (Nugent 1996a: 212). This act of bribe taking worked to the disadvantage of our people.
But for the sour relationship that existed between the chiefs and the developmental agents in the country like the government of Ghana our country would have every reasons to boast of some developmental facelifts in infrastructures.
In summary, I think the chieftaincy institution must be strategically position in order for the institution to bask in the profit of globalization and modernization wind sweeping the world. Significant is the raging irreconcilable issue in Dagbon. The sooner two factions are brought together the better for Ghana.
Augrako4gh@gmail.com
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